(* corresp) National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics

(* corresp) Keio University

(* corresp) University of Montana

现代日语有一组统称为rendaku的形态音素交替，其中涉及复合词的第二个元素中的初始辅音，如/jama+dera/'mountain Temple'（参见/tera/'temple'）。像 /tera/ ~ /dera/ 这样的交替元素在其rendaku 同形体中具有初始浊塞音，在其非rendaku 同形体中具有初始清塞音。莱曼定律在包含中间浊音的第二个元素中阻止了rendaku。本文给出了三个论点，即莱曼定律起源于禁止在连续音节中进行鼻前化的约束。首先，对靠近的相似辅音的限制通常不适用于发声，而是适用于具有更分散的语音提示的特征，例如鼻前化。其次，在一些带有前鼻化浊音的日语方言中，如果它会导致包含这些标记辅音的相邻音节，则不会出现rendaku。第三，语音证明的古日语复合词与相邻音节的限制一致。 Modern Japanese has a set of morphophonemic alternations known collectively as rendaku that involve initial consonants in second elements of compounds, as in /jama+dera/ ‘mountain temple’ (cf. /tera/ ‘temple’). An alternating element like /tera/ ~ /dera/ has an initial voiced obstruent in its rendaku allomorph and an initial voiceless obstruent in its non-rendaku allomorph. Lyman's Law blocks rendaku in a second element containing a medial voiced obstruent. This paper gives three arguments that Lyman's Law originated as a constraint prohibiting prenasalisation in consecutive syllables. First, constraints on similar consonants in close proximity generally apply not to voicing but to features with phonetic cues that are more spread out, such as prenasalisation. Second, in some Japanese dialects with prenasalised voiced obstruents, rendaku cannot occur if it would result in adjacent syllables containing these marked consonants. Third, phonographically attested Old Japanese compounds are consistent with a constraint on adjacent syllables.